Recent Jordanian opinion columns have offered a detailed analysis of how the Kingdom navigates economic and political crises within a turbulent regional environment, highlighting institutional strategies, economic challenges, and regional political stances.

Mousa Al-Saket: Economic Crisis Management
Mousa Al-Saket emphasizes the economic dimension of regional crises, noting that Jordan has historically borne the cost of surrounding tensions due to its strategic location and reliance on supply chains, energy, and neighboring markets. He identifies three primary channels through which the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran is impacting Jordan’s economy. The first is the potential closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran, which would drive up shipping costs and global oil prices, thereby raising domestic production and transport expenses and exerting pressure on inflation. The second involves disruptions to gas supplies, affecting electricity generation, threatening the competitiveness of domestic industries, and undermining the stability of critical industrial sectors. The third concerns the tourism sector, which has suffered notable declines due to security concerns, impacting national income and employment opportunities. Al-Saket argues that addressing these challenges requires proactive crisis management, coordinated financial, monetary, and sectoral policies, and the establishment of an economic advisory council to provide scenario planning and alternatives, supporting decision-makers with data-driven insights rather than reactive measures.

Salama Al-Darawi: Precautionary Emergency Planning
Salama Al-Darawi underscores the importance of preparing in advance for prolonged conflict. While the government has acted quickly to ensure the flow of goods and services, these measures are temporary and insufficient if the crisis extends. Al-Darawi notes that fuel subsidies, though effective in the short term, carry significant financial risks, as demonstrated during the Ukraine conflict, when costs approached half a billion Jordanian dinars. He argues that crisis management should follow precautionary emergency protocols based on long-term institutional planning, with a focus on energy efficiency, programmed electricity management, review of capital expenditures, and support for domestic production to maintain market stability and ensure continuous supply of essential goods. He emphasizes that economic crisis management cannot rely on immediate reactions but requires careful anticipation to prevent the accumulation of significant financial burdens.

Prof. Laith Kamal Nasrawin: The Strength of Jordanian Institutions in Crisis Management
Professor of Constitutional Law Laith Kamal Nasrawin highlights the institutional framework Jordan has developed to manage crises, demonstrating the Kingdom’s capacity to respond to both direct and indirect regional shocks. Nasrawin notes that institutionalized approaches, through specialized national bodies and official councils such as the National Security Council and the National Center for Security and Crisis Management, provide structured risk assessments and scenario planning. He emphasizes King Abdullah II’s active role in chairing these meetings, reflecting the leadership’s commitment to coordinating political, security, and military decision-making. The institutional approach also extends to economic and livelihood concerns, including monitoring food reserves and market stability, protecting citizens’ daily lives, and mitigating the societal impact of crises. This coordination has ensured that markets and public services continued operating without disruption two weeks after the outbreak of regional conflict, highlighting the effectiveness and resilience of Jordanian institutions.

Lamis Andoni: The Arab Position and Regional Conflict
Lamis Andoni focuses on the political and strategic dimensions of the regional crisis, arguing that the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran was not driven by real threats to the security of the United States or Israel but by broader expansionist and strategic objectives. Andoni contends that the aim was to impose U.S.-Israeli hegemony in the region and portray Iran as the primary adversary, while Arab states failed to adopt an independent strategy to protect their own populations’ interests. She stresses that Iran, despite its regional policies, remains a sovereign state, and that enmity with it should not lead Arab states into a U.S.-led military alliance with Israel. Andoni criticizes the weakness of the official Arab stance, noting that most Arab countries aligned with the U.S. agenda, weakening regional positions and facilitating Israel’s expansionist settlement project. She concludes that safeguarding Arab identity requires confronting this project independently of external biases, and that Arab states must base their responses to regional conflicts on the security and interests of their peoples rather than external agendas.

Together, the articles underline that Jordan confronts economic and political crises through an institutionalized and proactive approach capable of preserving national stability. They stress the importance of long-term scenario planning, financial and economic preparedness, and citizen participation in maintaining national unity. At the same time, the columns highlight the need for an independent Arab stance capable of addressing regional threats to protect national security and preserve Arab identity.